why I started reading Marx in the first place. In the style of US education I experienced (mostly public, but with secondary education split: two years catholic-private and two years suburb-public advanced placement track), it occured to me, for a reason I am not aware, that the theories of Karl Marx were implicated in so many major events and yet so casually disregarded, or relegated to a single 45 minute class. Maybe some students read the Communist Manifesto, which even Engels says in the Introduction was a polemic, an important one no doubt, but a dated one as well. However it is perhaps impossible for most teachers let alone teenagers of the United States to read a polemic like the manifesto and understand, at the very least, what is meant by the term ’the dictatorship of the proletariat’. A dictatorship is a particular arrangement of rule generating fields. It can be a dictatorship in the sense we think of today, i.e. Pakistan, Cuba, North Korea, Libya, etc., or it can be a ‘representative’ republic. In either case there are those with much power to dictate and participate in dictation and those with much less. Furthermore, as even the most basic demographic and economic statistics will make clear, there are clear trends and dominant patterns as to which groups dictate in any given system. The ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ makes much more sense when put next to the concept ‘dictatorship of the bourgeoisie’.

Of course, I’ll be the first to suggest that better and more sophisticated terms exist for analyzing the manifestations of dominant groups in society. However, that is not the issue at hand. The one or two classes that, thankfully, can be afforded the theories of Marx should at least present the material in an informed manner. The vast majority of school teachers (and probably even most teaching university) are not equipped to talk about Marx. Few of them have read it, and most of what they have read about it provided the very misconceptions they go on to teach. Do not get me wrong. Mrs. Fidler and Mr. Heys were (are I hope) great and passionate teachers who instilled the same in their students. However, neither could explain accurately the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ and indeed both used it as evidence of marxism’s dictatorial (popular sense) agenda. This was the same teacher who created a handout bulleting some of the main points of a school of historians studying the US and USSR as ‘enemies in the mirror’ -a progressive idea in the US classroom; a hand out for which he claims he could have received some form of disciplinary action. Teachers need people with more knowledge on a subject from time to time. In fact, Mrs. Fidler often brought guest speakers into the classroom, an Egyptologist, a Hindu physics professor, a Zen monk of ‘western’ descent. Perhaps if I ever live in Omaha before she moves or retires I can feature for a class or two… Critical theorists, do you know a teacher? Should guest speakers become a bigger part of classroom agendas in general? If the teacher was more of a mediator between specialists and students, could the teacher then focus even more on their areas of interest and be expert in those? Dissolve the role of teacher by making the task universal (which it really already is in so many ways). Erect the role of mediator and guide.

2 Responses to “And now I remember”

  1. Ancient Instructor Says:

    My apologies! In a survey course, you often find yourself discarding nuance, but I assure you, we did understand the broader context in which Marx may have intended the term “dictatorship of the proletariat” when he used it in the 1870s. That said, the stateless aftermath he contemplates — after the levers and pulleys of wages, rents, and employment are shifted to the workers — naturally foces us to ask, “Why is the intermediate transition, the bridge, the dictatorship of the proletariat, necessary in the first place?” The classic Marxist answer is that the post-revolutionary period demands a certain reordering, the destruction of certain legal and economic institutions that would otherwise delay the arrival of a classless society. That reordering requires the power of a sovereign state. It’s still a dictatorship. All governments in that sense are dictatorships, lex dictat.

    Where I would quibble: we taught you Marxism, not Marx. There’s a difference. Lenin is to Marx as Plato is to Socrates, and Lenin clearly does see the “dictatorship” phase in state-centric terms.

  2. valis Says:

    Ancient Instructor,

    Word. How much history can one semester accomodate? This must vary from one teacher and classroom to the next. Very few of my history classes were able to make it past the sixties. I had one valiant teacher who did get us into Vietnam, and who explicitly stated he was trying to get us into recent history. He had an interesting lecture where he compared the war in Vietnam with the American Revolution only with the roles reveresed. Effective too. We were watching a documentary on the war before lunch; when we came back from lunch the film had changed to a documentary on the American Revolution. Anyway, I completely sympathize with the time-depth restraints, and honestly feel like the history curriculum should be reconceived with, at the very least, the aim of ‘fitting it all in’ at whatever depth. Could history courses be taught in three semeseters (1.5 for block schedules)? Is there a way maybe to synthesize something like civics into history? Options?

    Anyway, no apology needed. I know teachers by and large are doing their best and in sometimes not so accomodating circumstances.

    All governments are, as you say, dictatorships. I might even go one step further and say that all imbalanced author-subject relationships are dictatorships. I think you get straight to the heart of the term when you ask “Why is the intermediate transition, the bridge, the dictatorship of the proletariat, necessary in the first place?” And I would furthermore add, suppose we accept this, what does it look like? Lenin is something of Marx’s Plato. And it’s funny. This is the second Plato-Marx comparison to have made it to this blog. It is an important one.

    Lenin absolutely sees the “dictatorship” in statist terms. The ‘State and Revolution’ is pretty much the argument that the proletariat at the time of revolution must “smash the state” and build a new machine of control authored by the proletariat’s revolutionary vanguard. (It is a patronizing model and strangely appropriate for a society that often used the father metaphor for their despots.) The ultimate aim is to skill the workforce as much as possible so as to decentralize first administration and then the act of governing itself. This, of course, did not happen and its stuanchest Bolshevist defender wound up with an ice-pick in Mexico.

    Your quibble is duly noted. There is a big difference between Marxism and Marx. This is an important distinction. Some of the best and brightest critical-theorists of today such as Bourdieu and Giddens have both prescribed a break from Marxism as it is ‘more Marxist than Marx’. I tend to agree with this. Retarded are the days of theologism.

    Where I would quibble, the ‘Marxist’ thread of critical-theory is and always was an open discourse, which is precisely how we arrived at Bourdieu and Giddens int the first place. Bolshevism was but one interpretation of Marx.

    It is my feeling that Marxism is often traced from Marx-Engels to Lenin-Stalin/Trotsky, and then sort of only looked at through a Cold War lens. Gramsci and ‘Western’ or Hegelian Marxism, which advocated deliberative and ‘democratic’ parxis tends to go undiscussed so that Leninist as ‘the’ Marxism reflects back on Marx making dogmatism of the whole. Again, this comes back to the time restraints. Gramsci died in prison and the only revolution to take place in Italy came courtesy of Fascism. Leninism and it’s cousins in Asia took over most of the globe. It is clear which, in terms of teaching a classroom in a finite amount of time, must take priority, but it is unfortunate since I still feel that in many minds that ‘closes the book’ on criticism of the capitalist system.

    Thanks for your comment. Great points to bring to the table and as always, all points are appreciated here at AV as it is through all these points that we can all begin to make sense out of something.

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